Soon after Dr Nkrumah became the leader of Ghana, he pursued an aggressive foreign policy, seeking to ultimately unite the whole of Africa. Introduction Whilst, as explored later in the essay, this decision to act under principles of sovereignty restricted the OAU, the first intergovernmental institution in the name of Pan-Africanism was born. The ability of President Nkrumah to lead Ghana to attain independence from the British colonial rule is very much appreciated. It has been suggested that he sacrificed humans to the cult. Hence, he was one of the founders of the Organisation of Africa Unity. He also wasted money on his ideological school, which trained the young people he indoctrinated through his young pioneer movement. A process of perpetuation did occur, however, with “little sign of a counter strategy” against the “danger of being co-opted by the holders of power” (Taylor and Nel 2002:178). The African Union: Successes and Failures, Postcolonial Approaches to the Study of African Politics, Contentious Politics and Political Violence, Political Values, Beliefs, and Ideologies, Creating Innovative Decision-Making Structures, Failure to Implement Many of Its Decisions, Failure to Wean AU Off External Financial Dependence. Nkrumah commuted the death sentences.
The building of each of the three arms of the industrial complex at three different places increased transportation cost and logistical problems. Create a free website or blog at WordPress.com.
It is not yet clear whether the rumours are true or not. Really, since President Nkrumah, no other government in Ghana has embarked on such a massive infrastructural development. Based particularly on the work of Nicholas Onuf and the idea that rules governing agents yield “conditions of rule”, the problems of pan-African attempts at unity will be investigated as constraints upon actors within the international system; this approach has been deliberately chosen as a means of examining African agency within international conditions, as Africa is arguably not a passive continent of “mere victims” to be acted upon (Belachew 2010:81). The idea of Pan-African “regional solidarity” as advocated in the years following independence supported “concerted regulation” of core inputs “instead of perpetuating an artificial specialisation in unskilled labour and cut-rate natural resources” (Chase-Dunn 1975:736; Green and Seidman 1968:21). If you have purchased a print title that contains an access token, please see the token for information about how to register your code. http://www.helsinki.fi/eci/Events/Nicholas%20Onuf_Rule%20and%20Rules%20%204-2-14.pdf, http://www.imf.org/external/spring/2014/seminars/afr/. Many Ghanaians have since independence believed that Dr Kwame Nkrumah, the first Ghanaian president achieved remarkable successes and that to date, his achievements are unparallel, by pointing particularly to: When President Nkrumah left the UGGC, he formed his own party, the CPP. The Economics of Pan-Africanism (Aylesbury: Penguin Books 1968), Justice, Elizabeth, “The African Union: Building a Dream to Facilitate Trade, Development, and Debt Relief” International Trade Law Journal 12 CURRENTS: INT’L TRADE L.J. The table below shows the major ethnic composition of President Nkrumah's Government over the years The problem however, was that his foreign policy was to a considerable extent pursued to the detriment and neglect of the domestic front.
12 Issue 2 (2012) pp. These were the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) and the Convention People’s Party (CPP). Like the Kumasi shoe factory and Ghana Airways, President Nkrumah based substantial part of his development projects on the socialist model, which was usually inferior in quality to the western standards. So whether the independence was achieved 'now' or 'at shortest possible time', I leave it readers to make their own judgement. Political considerations overrode the fundamentals of the economic planning. This action clearly breached international laws and also made mockery of his active involvement in Pan-Africanism and his goal to have Africa as a … The notion promotes beneficial cooperation between all the states of Africa, to better Africa as whole, on an economic scale as well as a political one. The AU has been very successful in addressing the needs of the African political class but it is yet to make a significant difference in the lives of many ordinary Africans. Amin, Samir, ‘Africa: Living on the Fringe’, Monthly Review, vol. This essay has provided an in-depth analysis of the rules that prescribe appropriate behaviour in interactions between sovereign states. Further, at a meeting of the foreign ministers of the Organization of African Unity in June 1965, Nkrumah through his representative, tried to divert criticism, but Niger representative released evidence showing seven guerrilla training camps operating in Ghana with Chinese and East German instructors, as well as further evidence showing that the terrorist that carried the abortive assassination had been trained in Ghana. it was also rooted in policies of assimilation stemming from Sir George Greys policies in the 1850s. 1, Special Issue: State and Development (Mar., 1996), pp. The resultant “Declaration to the Colonial Powers” marked a more aggressive stance on the part of institutional Pan-Africanism with regards to overall aspirations of dignity, freedom and equality, but notably also emphasised an active rejection of “systematic exploitation” and “the monopoly of capital” (Ibid.). They were tried for treason, but were not found guilty. Pan-Africanism, as the basis for attempts at pan-African unity, denotes goals and aspirations that are in direct opposition to the current rule patterns that facilitate exploitation. Unemployment rose sharply, food prices increased significantly up over 250% from 1957 levels, with 66% of the food prices increase recorded in 1965 alone. Historically, Pan-Africanism has often taken the shape of a political or cultural movement. Constituting International Political Economy (London: Lynne Rienner 1997), C Mulaudzi,The Politics of Regionalism in Southern Africa, Occasional Paper No 51, Johannesburg: Institute of Global Dialogue, 2006, Chafer, Tony and Cumming, Gordon, From Rivalry to Partnership? It is significant to mention that poor economic management also helped to accelerate the rate of the deterioration of the Ghanaian economy under President Nkrumah. Within the dominant neo-liberal paradigm, development occurs on a linear trajectory, with countries going through “transitions” and achieving “levels” of development depending on how “modern” they are (Gibb 2009:705; Amin 2002:49). In other words, states were granted “independence” or control over their own agency, but within a social arrangement of rules that did not allow for changes to address the asymmetry of the international rules of interaction under colonialism: “a confused cultural amalgam to the disadvantage of Africans” (Oke 2006:332). 139-172, Green, Reginald H., and Seidman, Ann, Unity or Poverty? Many thanks! By developing their “own means for overcoming … challenges”, with a focus on uniting to work towards common aspirations and goals, the aim to provide “African solutions to African problems” can be read as a call for a shift in the way agency is exercised and therefore the structure that it operates in, by actively rejecting the global status quo that demands external orientation and instead “looking inwards” (Dersso 2012:13; Amin 2002:50). 2 (2010) pp. The term was created by Henry Sylvester-Williams and Edward Wilmot Blyden (the father of Pan-Africanism) as the unity of the entire continent of Africa. 10 (2012) pp. "Ghana became independent on 6th March 1957. Whilst referring to implications at the sub-state level, these effects describe a change in actors’ ability to exercise agency, and therefore denote a new set of rules for agents that have experienced “development” to conduct themselves by. site = "ghanaweb.com"; Marcus Garvey created a shipping line to bring the diaspora of Africans back to Africa. Nkrumah responded with socialist austere budgetary measures. The rise of the R2P discourse was also addressed, and found to be at odds with the sovereignty principles imparted at independence.
Request Permissions. In basic terms, the pan-African Congress was divided into the Casablanca Group, who supported Nkrumah’s concept of a “United States of Africa”, and the Monrovia Group, who favoured an integrationist approach to unity. Whilst the condition of hierarchical rule of the international system is informal, the prevalence of the idea of a “Division of Labour” within global markets prescribes rules for actors according to their differential capabilities (Mahutga and Smith 2011:258). However, because of the existing conditions of hegemony and hierarchy, agents that are supposedly reciprocally acting upon these commitments will not benefit equally (Onuf 2014:3). The conditions of rule within the current international system facilitate regimes within Africa that are unlikely to aid in the constitution of a more balanced structure through attempts at pan-African unity, particularly when lip-service to the “legitimacy and professional competence that are the hallmarks of the modern state” is enough to maintain the appearance of following hegemonic instruction rules (Taylor and Williams 2008:141).
Afrocentricity deals primarily with self-determination and African agency and is a Pan-African point of view for the study of culture, philosophy, and history. At independence, the British left Ghana with a reasonable substantial amount of money and the international price of cocoa (which Ghana was the leading producer at the time) was very high, Ghana was therefore enjoying prosperity as both foreign and domestic reserves were healthy. 26, issue 2, (2008) pp. The essay will illustrate the ways in which attempts at pan-African unity are instead enacted in accordance with the current global structure, and how this impacts upon the objectives of pan-African attempts at unity: “asserting that Africa must “gel” with the world … without interrogating the structural situation within which the continent … finds itself, is highly problematic” (Taylor and Nel 2002:166).
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